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Discussion on Indo-US Defence Relationship (23rd July 2005)

NISDA held a seminar on the “New Framework for US-India Defence Relationship The Defense Framework” The main speaker, Lt. Gen Joshi (Retd), admittedly adopted a subjective stand that covered the nuances of the emerging relationship. Gen Joshi underlined the fact that the defence pact was not custom-built for India and it was yet another example of the US worldview safeguarding US exceptionalism. While the tenor of Gen. Joshi’s was that of a cautiously critical skepticism, the discussion that followed brought out several positive aspects of the emerging relationship. Prof. Gautam Sen indicated that we should take note of a major paradigm shift that has taken place in that he pointed out that for the first time in the Prime Ministers statement in the US following the signing of Indo-US defence framework, there is no advocacy of ideas, but there is an intellectual fervour to influence the western world to agree that the voice and the opinion of the largest democracy in the world cannot be left unheard or not taken seriously. The Chairperson, Shri Ram Pradhan said that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President Bush have taken the bilateral relationship to a new level, the implications of which will be clear only when the PM presents the details in the Parliament. The participants concurred that Indo-US relations would move from a dialogue on constructive engagement to one of truly interdependent partners.

Executive Summary

According to Lt. Gen, Joshi, the pact covers five aspects of the new Defence relationship. These are: commonly shared values and beliefs, common interests, modes of cooperation, a three-tier structure for mobilizing cooperation and pure mechanics for implementing the pact. He highlighted that the belief in political and economic freedom, democratic institutions, rule of law, security and opportunity around the world could easily be interpreted to suit US national interests more than India’s national interest. Similarly, the convergence of interests in maintaining security and stability, defeating terrorism and violent religious extremism, prevention of the spread of weapons of mass destruction and protecting the free flow of commerce via land, air and sea-lanes have a clear potential of tending towards divergence since the immediate concerns of the two countries in each of the issue-areas vary significantly.

Many participants vouched for a cautious approach in the implementation of the pact especially with regard to the implications of bypassing multilateral forums, setting up of a multipolar world and strengthening relationship with neighbouring and other developing countries. They emphasized that India should display the ability to discern between regional and global issues, between her national interest, which will be served in her relationship with Russia and China, and where there is a convergence of interests with other states, as in the case of the fight against terrorism. Several probable divergences were highlighted during the discussion. For instance, the US method of dealing with terrorism in the Islamic world was considered inappropriate for the Indian subcontinent, which is home to nearly 450 million Muslims. Agreements on non-proliferation could also pit the two countries on opposite sides of the table. Moreover, in the case of nuclear technology, US has stopped producing nuclear power plants for electrical energy, while we need Thorium based fast breeder reactors (FBR), which they cannot give us. So this will only mean that they will get to observe and supervise our nuclear power plants, like the Plutonium based one in Trombay. Their defence deals will be more along the lines of license production, but is not likely to bring about transfer of technology. In the area of economic linkages, the US will be in a position to define what the ‘free-market’ for India should be. The pact will also effect our relations with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which is gradually combining economic and security issues.

On the other hand, many present viewed the defence pact as a new window of opportunity that would bring together two of the world’s largest democracies. They argued that India had been vying hard for the last half century to establish a strategic link with the US. The emergent global environment provided the background for such a relationship. Each side has signed this document in pursuance of its self-interest and will interpret it accordingly. Deviations in pursuit of self-interest may be expected from either side. Indian leaders have done a creditable job in extracting concessions from the US in the strategic domain without giving away too much in an otherwise unequal power relationship. Since India is a declared nuclear weapon state, permitting transparency into our nuclear plants generating power for civilian use would have little adverse fallout. This document and the subsequent joint communiqué issued by the Prime Minister and the US President give a new orientation to the Indian foreign policy.

Again on a positive note they noted that USA’s shift of focus is deliberate. During a Discussion Group Proceeding organized by Prof. Stephen Cohen approximately three years ago, he had stated that it was in the interest of the US to make India into a “major power” to counter a possible “threat” from a Sino-Russian alliance over the next decade or so. Yet others pointed out that the US is building partnerships with India, EU, Russia, Japan and China as part of its effort to build a 6-power world. The US needs places for investment, human capital for employment and energy. So cooperation in these three areas will be mutually beneficial. We will also get R&D for pharmaceuticals and nuclear material. So the defence agreement must be seen in the context of the larger agreements.

The Chairperson for the session, Shri Ram Pradhan was of the view that national interests guide national policies and relations between countries are continuously evolving. The US has moved from isolationism to active involvement in certain regions of the world. India has always regarded the US as a natural ally in its task of nation building. However, US policy of building regional military alliances and India’s determination to remain non-aligned led to divergence of their relationship in defence matters. India’s growing relationship with the Soviet Union in economic and defence fields made the Indo-US relations static. It was during the Clinton era that USA decided to explore placing Indo-US relations on a different footing in order to create new power equation to face China emerging as a super power. India was looked upon as a possible axis along with Russia.

Note: If you desire to get a copy of the transcript of the deliberation of each participant, kindly request us at nisda@unipune.ernet.in. NISDA will be happy to send you the same by e-mail only.

The list of Participants

There were 29 participants including resident scholars of the Department of Defense and Strategic Studies, Faculty members of the University of Pune and other distinguished invitees.

Speaker: Lt. Gen. Ashok Joshi, (Retd.) Former Shivaji Chair Professor Of Policy Studies, University of Pune.

Chair: Shri Ram Pradhan, Former Union Home secretary, Government of India and former Governor.

• Col. Kapil Arya Resident Scholar (RS) in Department of Defence and Strategic Studies (DDSS).
   
• Prof. Ram Bapat, Professor of Political Science.
   
• Col. Bijay, RS in DDSS.
   
• Gp Capt S.G. Chitnis (Retd), Secretary, Centre for Advance Strategic Studies (CASS), an NGO located in the University of Pune.
   
• Prof. A.S. Dalvi, Head of the Department of Defence and Strategic Studies at the University of Pune.
   
• Air Marshall A R Ghandhi (Retd)
   
• Col. Sanjay Holey, RS in DDSS.
   
• Shri Bhagwan Joshi, Former Secretary Government of India and Financial Advisor to Ministry of Defence.
   
• Shri. M.R. Joshi, Former Director R & D Engineers, Dhigi, Pune.
   
• Col. Virendra Kapoor (Retd), Director Symbiosis Institute of Telecom Management, Pune.
   
• Lt. Gen. H.M. Khanna (Retd), Former Northern Army Commander during Kargil Operations, and former Shivaji Chair Professor Of Policy Studies, University of Pune.
   
• Dr. Vijay Khare, DDSS, University of Pune.
   
• Air Marshal Dr. S. Kulkarni (Retd), Director, Centre for Advance Strategic Studies (CASS), an NGO located in the University of Pune.
   
• Col. Ajay Kumar, Resident Scholar (RS) in DDSS.
   
• Air Marshall Y.V. Malse (Retd.)
   
• Air Chief Marshall H. Moolgavkar (Retd), Former Chief of the Air Staff.
   
• Admiral J.G. Nadkarni (Retd), Former Chief of the Naval Staff and Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee.
   
• Lt. Gen. R.K. Nanavatty (Retd) Former Northern Army Commander.
   
• Prof. P.V. Panat, Professor Of Physics, University of Pune.
   
• Lt. Gen. Vinayak Patankar (Retd)
   
• Prof. Shrikant Paranjpe, Professor of Defence & Strategic Studies, DDSS.
   
• Col. K.D.Pendharkar, RS in DDSS.
   
• Col. Lalit Rai, RS in DDSS.
   
• Maj. Gen. B.N. Rao (Retd), Former Shivaji Chair Professor of Policy Studies, University of Pune.
   
• Prof. Gautam Sen, Sawarkar Chair Professor and Director NISDA, University of Pune.
   
• Air Marshall A.K. Trikha (Retd), Former Commandant of the National Defence Academy and presently Chair Professor of Air Power and National Security Studies at NISDA.
   
• Prof. Rajendra Vora, Head Department of Political Science, University of Pune.